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Health
Inequalities within countries
There are
wide health inequalities within countries, as well as between
countries. Comparisons made between countries, are comparisons
of the average levels in each country. Within each
country, differences between rich and poor, between men and
women, and between dominant and marginalized ethnic groups,
all lead to differences in health and longevity.
Generally, people with high incomes fare much better
than the average. Almost universally, people with very low incomes
fare much worse than the average. ‘Across societies there is an
association between the degree of social inequality and the rate
of disease and death: higher inequality results in higher disease
and premature death’ (Wermuth 2000: 65-6). Why does high inequality
lead to higher rates of death and disease? Firstly, high inequality
leads to a larger proportion of the population living in relative
poverty. These people may be unable to purchase health care. Secondly,
high inequality, for example in Brazil and South Africa, is associated
with government neglect of public health measures, and particularly
neglect of the health of the poor.
Braveman
(2002 a) provides some examples of health inequalities within
countries:
‘during 1994-1996,
the US infant mortality rate overall was 7.6% per 1000 live
births; however, among African Americans, it was 15.2% per
1000… The overall rate of stunted growth among Brazilian children
during 1996 was 10.5%; among children in the lowest economic
quintile the rate was 23.2%, 10 times that among the wealthiest
quintile. Many lower-income countries now have upper and middle
classes whose living conditions are increasingly similar to
those in affluent countries, alongside large groups who remain
deeply impoverished… Aggregate statistics mixing these sub-populations
can obscure very disparate health and health care experiences’
There is very little information about inequalities
within countries; governments rarely collect data of this sort.
As a result, it is difficult to draw global maps showing how within
country health inequalities change over time. Instead of global
maps, this page contains graphs which illustrate preliminary findings
from data covering a sample of 44 countries of the Third World.
The data below comes from the ‘country health and poverty report’
project of the World Bank. It is based on data collected in household
surveys covering 5,000 to 10,000 households in each country (Gwatkin
2002: 12).
Rich
poor differences in Under Five Mortality
The proportion
of children dying before the age of five (under Five Mortality
Rate) is one important measure of health inequalities that
has been collected for different income groups in a number
of non-industrialized countries. The graph below shows Under
Five Mortality rates for rich and poor in 44 non-industrialized
countries.
The
graph is sorted by child mortality in low income groups, with the
highest child mortality to the left. The mortality rate of the poorest
quintile (20%) of the population in each country is shown in red,
while that of the richest quintile is shown in purple. The blue,
jagged line indicates the ratio of child mortality for the poor
and the rich (poor/rich). This latter line indicates that some countries,
including Bolivia, Turkey, and Peru, have very large differences
between the health of rich and poor children. This graph suggests
that inequality demands particular attention in Bolivia, Turkey,
Peru, the Dominican Republic and several other countries.
Gender
differences in health: 100 million women are missing
There are significant inequalities in access to health
care by gender.
There is a growing literature about the high death rate of female
children in some parts of the world. Amartya Sen (1990) has suggested
that inequality in access to health care may be the main cause of
the death of 100
million women in South Asia, China, and North Africa.
Inverse
Care law: the poor become ill while the rich receive health
care
Intracountry
health inequalities are partly shaped by an inverse care law
which suggests that ‘the
availability of good medical care tends to vary inversely with
the need for it in the population served’ (Hart 1971, cited
in Gwatkin 2001). In other words, health care services are
used disproportionately by those with high incomes, while the
poor have greater need and much less access.
The graph (from Castro-Leal et al (2000); quoted in
Gwatkin 2001), shows that the primary beneficiaries of government
health expenditures are the richest. This is true not only in the
case of total health care expenditure, but also for primary health
care, which is intended to provide basic services for the poor.

Davidson Gwatkin comments ‘It is tempting to believe
that a focus on poor countries is sufficient to assure that the
majority of a program’s benefits will reach the people who need
them most. Unfortunately, such is not the case…the power of the
inverse care law…makes it highly likely that, in the absence of
special efforts on behalf of the disadvantaged, the majority of
benefits of health initiatives will flow to [the] better off.’
References
Braveman,
P. (2002a). "Measuring
Health Equity Within Countries: The Challenge of Limited Information." MSJAMA 288(October
2, 2002): 1650.
Braveman, B (2002b). Powerpoint
presentation
Castro-Leal,
F., J. Dayton, et al. (2000). Public spending on health care
in Africa. Bulletin of the World Health Organization 78(1):
70.
Gwatkin,
D. R. (2001). Overcoming the inverse care law: designing health
programs to serve disadvantaged population groups in developing
countries, Ms, World Bank.
Gwatkin,
D. R. (2002). Reducing health inequalities in developing countries. Oxford
Textbook of Public Health.
Sen, A. (1990). "More
than 100 million women are missing." New York Review of
Books (12/20/90): 61-66.
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